ANALYSIS - What is Biden administration’s strategic outlook?

The author is an associate professor at the Faculty of Political Science at the University of Sarajevo

SARAJEVO

In March 2021, the White House released the Interim National Security Strategic Guidance. The twenty-three-page document lays out the Biden administration’s strategic outlook as work on a new National Security Strategy continues. Less than three months after the inauguration, the new administration has broadly defined its future course.

Several themes run through this document. The Biden administration is cognizant of America’s retreat from the global stage over the past four years with all the concomitant consequences. It is aware of how contentious and polarized domestic politics and institutions have become. The domestic and foreign policy have become intertwined to a degree unprecedented before. The new administration is adamant to “build back better.” This is a motto that conveys both an awareness of daunting challenges facing America domestically and internationally but also the ever-present hope of a brighter future.

What does the strategic document say about America’s foreign policy? The document ranges from the overly general (on Africa) to very specific (on Southeast Asia). America is facing a host of challenges from rising powers to climate change. Four nation-states are listed as America’s adversaries: China, Russia, Iran and North Korea. The Biden administration clearly identifies China as the major threat to its global role and to an open and liberal international order. China is described as “assertive” and the document lays out the groundwork for countering China’s growing power. Hence, the commitment to “deepen our partnership with India and work alongside New Zealand, as well as Singapore, Vietnam, and other Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member states.” The administration is also committed to “ensure that America, not China, sets the international agenda, working alongside others to shape new global norms and agreements that advance our interests and reflect our values.” This extends to supporting regional allies including Taiwan but also closely monitoring the developments in Hong Kong, Xinjiang, and Tibet. While announcing a firm stand on China, the US does not rule out the possibility and likelihood of cooperation on issues of mutual interests.

The next in the hierarchy of adversaries in this document is Russia with its role described as “disruptive” and “destabilizing.” Unlike China, Russia is mentioned mostly in passing and no pathway to countering its growing influence is laid out. In terms of regional threats, Iran and North Korea are spelled out and the administration makes a commitment to counter their influence.

The new administration also makes several commitments as it charts its course in international affairs. The significance of the transatlantic alliance is noted along with an assertion that America will “reaffirm, invest in, and modernize the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)”. Absent in this is any mention of NATO enlargement. This is particularly worrisome for Balkan countries seeking to anchor their stability within the larger security umbrella that is NATO. The region risks being left in limbo with Bosnia and Kosovo seeking to join NATO. Also, noticeably absent is any notion of beefing up NATO forces in Central and Eastern Europe and the Baltics. The document does acknowledge that America’s “presence will be most robust in the Indo-Pacific and Europe” but these are generalities devoid of specific policy avenues.

The administration makes a commitment to work to end the “forever wars” that America has been involved in and makes a specific commitment to end the war in Afghanistan. In fact, President Biden is expected to announce these days that US forces will be withdrawn from Afghanistan by September this year.

For a strategic document that generally focuses on America’s international role, this is one marked by a significant focus on domestic issues. A theme running through this document is that America needs to “build back better” at home in order to project its strength and shape outcomes globally. The document asserts that democracy is among America’s fundamental advantages and working to maintain and advance democracy at home is a major priority.

The need to reinvigorate American democracy and rebuild American society is a key priority. This is an acknowledgment of the degree to which American democratic institutions have been undermined over the past four years and an explicit statement of intent to reinvigorate these institutions. The previous four years of the Trump administration resulted in a scaling down and self-inflicted undermining of the American global role and the new administration seeks to correct the course and get America back on track. Also noteworthy for a national security strategy document is the focus on growing America’s middle class and pursuing a variety of avenues for the purpose of achieving this objective.

The Interim National Security Strategic Guidance makes the case for America’s return to the global stage. The new administration acknowledges that the global security landscape has changed but is committed to rebuilding alliances and countering rising adversaries.

How that unfolds remains to be seen in the next four years of the Biden-Harris administration.

*Opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Anadolu Agency.​​​​​​​